The introduction discusses knowledge, belief and authority as entangled concepts, and their relationship to the study of folklore, religion and worldview. Proceeding from Leonard N. Primiano’s ideas about vernacular religion as a contested realm of ambiguity, power and creativity, it addresses vernacular knowledge in comparison to institutionally grounded and organised systems of knowledge, such as science and religion. In contrast to the latter, vernacular knowledge is loose, non-systematic and oriented to the practices of everyday life. Vernacular knowledge can be characterised as an expressive strategy and the product of that strategy, which appears in verbal and non-verbal forms: in oral, written, and printed genres, but also in arts, music, material culture, ritual, and behaviour. It can be imbued with elements from institutionally grounded knowledge but often it challenges, confronts and erodes the officially established authoritarian truths. The article argues that the authorisation of vernacular knowledge relies on tradition, traditionalisation and the evidence of personal experience.

In the middle of the 20th century, one of the most celebrated Belarusian writers, Uladzimir Karatkevich, wrote a novel dedicated to the national uprising of 1863. The book was planned to be published in three parts: the first two parts were about the organizers of the uprising, their childhood, education, and preparation for the protest, while the third one was planned to be dedicated to the uprising per se. According to the official version, the third part was never written: it appeared as a short novel, which didn’t justify the hopes of the readers and was not very successful. However, as stated by intellectuals, the third part of the book existed but was stolen by the KGB, and is still kept in the closed archives; its publication may cause ethnic consolidation and democratic changes in contemporary Belarus. Departing from the example of this lost book, I will proceed to similar cases, e. g. search for another Belarusian relic – Cross of Saint Euphrosyne lost in the 20th century; and further relate it to other narratives debunking Soviet evil and blaming Soviet authorities for today’s Belarusian cultural and political decline. They emerge in the context of Belarusian belated search for ethnic identity and become one of the few tools available in the struggle for democracy. This paper analyses action undertaken by searchers of stolen masterpieces, stories rising around them, and hopes laid on how Belarus might change in case they are found.

Humour’s ambivalent relationship with authority presents one of the most interesting challenges to the scholarship on the subject. Is humour a useful strategy for weakening or even dismantling the dominant social or ideological system in which it appears? Or does it, on the contrary, merely serve to sustain the status quo by channelling revolutionary energy into jokes? This chapter examines the multiple functions of humour in the countercultural movement of ecological spirituality based on the Ringing Cedars of Russia book series by Vladimir Megre. Within the movement itself, overly literal readings of Megre’s books are often challenged by critical opinions and alternative interpretations expressed in humorous form. At the same time, these jokes ensure the stability and vitality of the movement itself, enabling internal criticism without challenging its main tenets. The chapter addresses this contradiction by emphasising a third function of humour, which becomes apparent in the context of contemporary spiritual searching. Humour, here, can serve as a strategy of determining individual relationships to various doctrines, as people carve their own paths on the alternative spirituality scene.

This paper explores the power of the visual to contest and subvert dominant religious beliefs and doctrines. Through an exploration of Inochentism and Archangelism, ‘home-grown’ religious movements in 20th and 21st century Moldova, I trace the power of visual media, when combined with folk narratives, prophesy and visionary literature, to contest state and church authority, embody the sacred and transform belief. The two movements discussed, driven underground by nationalist and communist regimes in Romania and Soviet Moldova, deployed visual media in the form of vernacular icons, photographs and photomontages, as powerful tools for critique and as a means of mobilizing belief during periods of intense persecution by the state. Based on a series of interviews with members of these movements between 2011 and 2014, on secret police archival sources and on Soviet propaganda publications, I examine how, under the pressure of state atheist ideology and political oppression, relations between divine and human, this world and the next, and the material and immaterial were re-imagined, re-presented and embodied by Moldovan village people.

The popular Gujarati saint Jalaram Bapa physically passed away nearly a century and a half ago and there is no one alive today who could speak of having any kind of direct recollection or memory of him or his wife Virbai Ma. His life, miracles, healings and teachings have not been forgotten, however and since his death the Jalaram tradition has developed into a substantial expression of globalized Hinduism in the contemporary world. Furthermore, the authoritative literature on his life, Bhakta Shree Jalaram (Rajdev 1958) has been expanded and stretched, added to, interpreted, translated, reformatted and re-contextualised, culturally, socially, geographically and materially. This article examines these strategies of recollection and considers the ways in which memories of Jalaram have been preserved, transmitted, multiplied and transformed as they have travelled from Gujarat to East Africa, back to Gujarat and out into multiple diasporic contexts simultaneously. Furthermore, I also suggest that the manner in which the memories of Jalaram Bapa have been preserved and transmitted are as contested as they are diverse. 

Assam is an ethnically diverse state in North Eastern India with dynamic religious scenery. The cultural identity of the Assamese people, who have dominated the region, is closely connected with the neo-vaishnava saint and writer Shankaradeva (1449–1568) who initiated the bhakti movement, challenged the caste system and Tantric goddess worship. His most famous disciple was saint Mādhavadeva (1489–1596), the author of the popular devotional song book (Nam-ghosh). Shankaradeva’s birth place in Ali-Pukhuri near Bordowa has become a major pilgrimage centre; however, there is no exact historical evidence about Mādhavadeva’s childhood home. In ancient sources the place has vaguely been identified as Letekupukhuri near the town of Nārāyanpur. Soon after India gained independence in 1947, claims were made by local people in Nārāyanpur area that they have discovered the birth place of Mādhavadeva, as it had been revealed to them through dreams and other miraculous evidence. This happened a few decades after the Assamese followers of neo-vaishnava movement had again settled in the region that had been abandoned in wars and covered by forests. As a consequence of these revelations two competing shrines emerged at the distance of one kilometre from each other, both known as the historical birth places of Mādhavadeva. The two centres are run by different neo-vaishnava institutions whose doctrines and rituals contradict each other. The article discusses vernacular and institutional strategies of the adherents of the two shrines in making arguments of faith. Without making attempts to find out the historical truth the article analyses traditional narratives and oral histories as verifications of belief and disbelief.

This chapter explores the narratives of the Róngkups who are autochthonous to Sikkim. The Róngkups have relied on oral transmission of their cultural and religious values, as is the practice with most indigenous communities. Today, Sikkim’s population is ethnically diverse, as a result of which the indigenous Róngkups have become a minority and stand marginalised. I plan to deliberate on the narratives in circulation among the Róngkups that register many of these cultural exchanges and influences. In addition, there are several narratives that have gained importance over time owing to existing historiographical tendencies that portray some factions of ethnic communities in a better light compared to the rest. These narratives on being endorsed by the state edge into institutionalised beliefs and practices that are celebrated with much fanfare in the state. Further, the nuanced indigenous narratives are gradually overshadowed and end up losing their narrative space, and with it a means of asserting their vernacular beliefs, cultural values, and identity. In the wake of such observations, I feel it was necessary to examine versions of the indigenous narratives through an emic lens. I will be applying a self-reflexive approach to traverse the layers of meaning-making and identity assertion currently in practice.

Folklorists have long recognized and documented New Age folk beliefs. They can be found in everyday talk about meditation and premonitions to stories of spiritual experiences and amateur fortunetelling of all kinds. And, like all folklore in the 21st century, we can easily find these folk beliefs and practices circulating online. In fact, excellent scholarship has now shown how quickly and naturally all common folkloric forms went digital. However, we are just beginning to explore the implications of all this folklore going online. Online communities have empowered us to find other people who share the same interest we do. Today, it is easier share beliefs about spiritual beliefs even as religious expression seems increasingly individualized and idiosyncratic. In these digitally empowered vernacular webs, the authority of shared beliefs can be magnified by the perception that everyone in the online community shares the same beliefs. Online forums dedicated to discussing specific topics offer a good opportunity to observe how powerful vernacular authority can grow in a digitally empowered vernacular web. Here, New Age folk beliefs can be seen to take on the role of vernacular resistance to what is perceived as the unjust dominance by institutions both religious and otherwise, and this form of online folkloric empowerment raises important questions about how we as a society should value the idiosyncratic, anti-institutional, but potentially powerful folk-cultures like that of New Age apocalypticism. Using the computational methods to topically map online New Age forums, I have found the informal discussions revolve around discrete set of diverse but recurring topics. In each of these topics we can see a vernacular resistance to perceived institutional dominance. In discussions of ancient Mayan prophecy, this resistance is obvious in rumours and exchanges of beliefs that specifically assert right knowledge of an this ancient culture that is different from that of the current culture or experts on Mayan history. It is less obvious in discussions of spiritual practices and individual preparation for different kinds of global transformations, but these prepping discourse center on the fundamental belief that the existing institutions both governmental and religious have failed to recognize the fact of an impending spiritual transformation. In each of these as well as many other topics this study is tracking, individuals are using their ability to locate like-minded others and create highly specific webs of vernacular communication to foster a complex and vibrant spiritually infused prepping culture. While this ability to create their own culture is surely a form of empowerment, it also perpetuates a sense in this community of individuals who have right knowledge to which most of us do not have access. Approaching this belief matrix, how can we critically engage this culture? How can we contribute to the larger understanding of folk belief in a digital age?

Pauses constitute the text, the poses are the essential part of performance, the elusive impulse gives birth to various expressions. In this article my attempt is to bring the non-verbal part of contemporary vernacular thinking into focus joining it to the web of stories and practices. The focus on the bodily aspect comes easily out form the discussed material itself: feeling and sensing the places are essential part of dowsing practice. Interpretations of bodily impulses exceed the limit of interest in the particular tradition, rather forming an important language that connects different ideas and practices of contemporary spirituality. Lying the authority on the senses sees the human body as the instrument for clairvoyance: the possibility to apprehend the supernatural reality intuitively as instant as non-mediated cognition, which is the foundation for further actions and generalisations. Practice itself: finding the unseen (the underground water streams, tubes, wires, also the lines and spots of supernatural energy) with the forked twig, metal rods or pendulum is a subject of different use as well as vernacular (among them scientific-sceptical) debates. The method usually serves the complementary to other forms of knowledge, although, the role of the authority, an experienced (professional) dowser or psychic is significant. In the range of this tradition the importance and use of the maps is discussed. The map that takes into account sensual (supernatural) parameters mixes different domains of authority: the purpose (research into paranormal, planning of the buildings or residential area), the position of the medium (the one who draws the map or holds the map), the practice and use of the maps (maps as the guides for different actions and inquiry). The material of study comes from Estonia, Tallinn, dominantly from the activity of Estonian Geopathic Association.

I argue that the role of the ‘seeker’ and practices of ‘seeking’, especially (but not only) in the field of New Spiritualities, constitute a late modern tradition of practice. Rather than a personal and idiosyncratic form of behaviour with minimal salience, seeking is better understood as a collective mode of thought and practice by means of which receptive subjects adapt to the radical pluralisation of late modern religious authorities. To support my case I discuss three vernacular biographies from different regions of the UK as post-1945 case studies. Drawing on a theoretical framework based in the work of Vladimir Propp and Walter Burkert, I argue that, despite substantive differences, each biography shares a common structure of a search for symbolic goods in the face of multiple competing authorities. I conclude that seeking is a late modern vernacular tradition with historical and anthropological roots.

Gershom Scholem argued in his momentous book Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism (1941, 34) that as the traditional Hasidic way of life was extinguished by the Holocaust, the last ‘authentic’ form of Jewish mysticism came to a close: “it has become again what it was in the beginning: the esoteric wisdom of small groups of men out of touch with life and without any influence in it”. Nevertheless, practices stemming from Kabbalah and Jewish mystical sources have since the turn of the millennium become more popular than ever inside as well as outside Jewish communities in Europe and North America, relocating and reframing traditional practices for a late-modern, urban, liberal and inclusive spiritual milieu. But are such vernacular practices to be seen as ‘authentic’ continuations of the tradition, or merely as vulgar commodification? Here, the views of contemporary researchers differ significantly. This chapter’s point of departure is this controversy over ‘authenticity’ in research on Jewish mysticism. A vernacular religion perspective is applied as a means of untying the knot that has formed through the unfruitful juxtaposing of classic and contemporary Jewish mysticism. Discourses of authenticity are exemplified by a case study dealing with contemporary practices of niggunim singing: (mainly) wordless melodies sung as a means of elevating the soul to God, repairing the world and strengthening the divine presence in the world. Niggunim is a practice with roots in Hasidic Judaism, which is currently experiencing a renaissance within contemporary Jewish spirituality. Ethnographic material has been gathered among Jews from progressive milieus in London to shed light on the practice in general, and this chapter analyses how the practitioners reflect upon authenticity.

Black Madonnas are found in some of the most famous Christian shrines in Europe. For example, Montserrat in Spain, Loreto in Italy and Le Puy in France are all home to black Madonnas. The figure of the black Madonna is also popular in the goddess-feminist spirituality movement. Within the fields of goddess and feminist spiritualities, there is a substantial body of works in the form of books, articles and websites dedicated to the exploration of the phenomenon. Within this field, the black Madonna is presented as a figure of sexual, political and spiritual liberation from the patriarchy of the Church. The black Madonna is positioned as an alternative to the more familiar white representation of the Virgin Mary, who is considered to represent Church hierarchy, obedience and passivity. This article will consider the following: It suggests that the literature created by goddess/feminist spirituality movement can be seen as type of feminist vernacular knowledge. However, issues arise when this rubs up against other sorts of vernacular knowledge or understandings. Who are the ‘folk’ when it comes to looking at the ways in which the figure of the black Madonna is interpreted and incorporated into religious practices? The paper will therefore consider some of the issues raised by examining the concept of folk or vernacular religion in relation to empirical work conducted at a black Madonna shrine. This particular shrine challenged some of the existing assumptions regarding these figures and their place in both Christianity and alternative spiritualities. In thinking on the ways in which both goddess feminists and Anglican Christians engage with the figure of the black Madonna, this article will suggest that the feminist folk and Christian folk are both being creative in terms of how they bring together various strands and elements of religious practices.

Antonio ‘de la Cruz’ Gil Núñez – more commonly known as Gauchito Gil – is the focus of considerable popular devotion, promissory prayer, ex votos, shrines and material culture in Argentina. In this article, I examine how vernacular knowledge and authority are materialised and operationalised in interaction with institutional models and local lifeworlds in devotion to Gauchito Gil. In relation to the material culture that has developed surrounding Gauchito Gil, and which is seen at its strongest at his shrine at Mercedes, Corrientes Province, I show how strategies of proximity, approximation and appropriation are used effectively as material means of bolstering Gil’s legitimacy and power alongside and beyond institutional understandings and models. Drawing on Primiano’s  observation that the hallmarks of vernacular religion are ambiguity, power and creativity, this exploration of Gauchito Gil’s cult helps to demonstrate how materiality functions in conferring and transferring power, both creatively and ambiguously, to significant people without ‘institutional’ recognition or status in vernacular tradition.

The study of vernacular religion has assisted a switch in emphasis from former scholarly concentrations on polarities of ‘official’ and ‘unofficial’ religion and their conflicts and influences to reflections on the centrality and relationship between the individual and community in the creation, recreation, and negotiation of religious beliefs and practices in everyday life. This article is centered on that relationship and tension within the life of a contemporary conservatively religious Roman Catholic undergraduate student who resists what he sees is the secularizing, non-devout, non-observant, and irreligious life styles and personal choices of same-age peers residing in community around him. Responding to his perception of the non-traditionalist dimensions of 21st century post Vatican II Catholicism, this student has constructed in his dormitory room a sacred space comforting to and compatible with his lifestyle and spirituality, what one friend responding to its preponderance of religious imagery and objects has deemed the Upper Room. This student’s single dorm room accommodation in the midst of a traditional American collegiate residence has been religiously re-imagined as a sacred monastic or shrine-like sanctuary which soothes and supports with Catholic iconography while also protesting and contesting the behaviors and sinful choices of his Catholic peers living around him. This study examines the religious beliefs and practices of an individual Roman Catholic believer and his vernacular understanding and enactment of ‘Catholic’ space and place.

This article will attempt to show how articulated beliefs and practices are ‘reframed’ among Khasi, using the primary tradition–trope of funerary customs in context of Christian and those who follow the ‘indigenous religion’. While death occupies a central position in the life–cycle of a Khasi, rituals relating to death are context-specific. The stereotyping and marginalisation of specific groups of people on the basis of mortuary rites will be shown through empirical data derived from fieldwork. Death is a generic resource, and this article will show how it shapes the Khasi ‘ontology’ inclusive of societies of the human and non-human. I clarify that this article analyses narratives about death, dying, and reanimation, I do not target or malign specific clans or communities. Rather, I look at negotiations as expressed in narratives that discuss bad deaths and fulfilment of death rituals and how these narratives enforce the othering and marginalisation of communities and groups among the Khasi.

Contemporary Mongolian devilry inserts a variety of locuses connected with demonological narratives: natural objects, haunted houses, abandoned roads, cemeteries, etc. In the rural tradition one of the most popular topics devoted to guideltei gazar or gazarin guits – area with movements, ‘restless activity’. It is a special, marked in local traditions, fixed places with ‘bad reputation’, something like ‘haunted places’ or ‘ghost-places’. These places can include different small areas generally in the steppe. The results of passing such places for people could be various – problems with a transport, problems with business and health and even death. These places are regarded in Mongolian traditions as a kind of demonic possession and at the same time as a demonic creature itself. According to some beliefs the cause of its existence and bad influence are referred to bones, remains of deceaseds, buried under those places. The revised materials allow to presume that the basis of the topic about ‘restless place’ related with the changes in ritual practices and reflected a conflict between different funeral traditions and ideas connected to them.

Some recent scholarship has attempted to treat newly emergent broadly neo-pagan religious observation as primarily a matter of practice rather than theology. While this allows for some investigation into the eclectic aspects of observation, it also tends to sideline the practitioners’ own thinking about their belief and its construction. Ghost belief offers a helpful case study for considering the interplay of belief and practice. It can be found across denominational groups, quite often in antagonism to the official doctrines of the religion, and vernacular eschatological thinking can quite often inform moves towards a newer syncretic practice. Similarly, the current academic enthusiasm for metaphors of ‘haunting’, ‘spectrality’, and ‘ghosts’ often proceeds by the deliberate exclusion of ethnographic data. Basing myself on recent fieldwork data, I will here examine the relationship between the thinking and practice I encountered around ghost belief. I will also look at the ways informants described their beliefs and practices. From this I will aim to place informants back at the centre of any consideration of these questions, and offer some suggestions for understanding the relationship between formal and informal spiritual beliefs.